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Stephen D. Engle |
Struggle for the Heartland: The Campaigns from Fort Henry to Corinth |
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Comments: NEW 1/15/07 Stephen D. Engle. Struggle for the Heartland: The Campaigns from Fort Henry to Corinth. Lincoln, NE: The University of Nebraska Press (March 2005). 251 pp., 8 maps, notes, index. ISBN: 0-80326-753-3 $16.95 (Paperback). Stephen D. Engle's Struggle for the
Heartland takes the latest scholarship on "the campaigns from
Fort Henry to Corinth" and ties the military, political, and social
issues faced during the campaign into an efficient and readable discussion
of these events. The book is an entry in the University of Nebraska Press' Great Campaigns of
the Civil War series of books and covers the time frame of the military
campaign from Fort Henry to Corinth, including the Battle of Shiloh.
Rather than focusing solely on military events, however, Engle provides
a large amount of coverage to social and political considerations as
well. The result, then, is a balanced overview of a campaign in
which there was a "struggle for the heartland" of the Confederacy. Engle focuses quite a lot of time and energy explaining how the large
increase in the amount of Confederate territory controlled by the Union
led to changes in the initial "soft war" policy espoused by the Lincoln
Administration. Before Grant sailed south on the Tennessee to
assault Fort Henry, Union armies were typically restrained and respectful
when it came to the treatment of Southern civilians. No one better
personified this idea than the commanders currently in charge of Union
affairs: George B. McClellan as General In Chief with Henry Halleck
and Don Carlos Buell as department heads in the west. These men
were all democrats, and they believed in a war that would not upset
the status quo. In other words, they wanted to leave the slavery
issue alone, instead trying to treat Southerners well and return their
slaves in the hope that they would come quickly and quietly back into
the Union. The campaigns from Fort Henry to Corinth showed that
this soft war policy was not practical. Southerners continued
to resist even when treated well, and guerrilla forces sprung up where
Confederate armies were unable to hold territory in a conventional manner.
Soldiers from privates to generals also began to see the difference
between poor white subsistence farmers and wealthy slave owners, eventually
blaming the institution of slavery as the primary cause of the war.
These troops began to resent orders such as Buell's General Orders 13a,
which prevented foraging, returned runaway slaves, and otherwise treated
Southerners with kid gloves. Men such as division commander Ormsby
Mitchel began to take matters into their own hands, and eventually the
government agreed with this "hard war" course of action. Ironically,
writes Engle, the Union push into Confederate leaning western and central
Tennessee only hastened the Union policy change. If Buell had
instead invaded Unionist eastern Tennessee, per Lincoln's wishes, this
soft war policy may have continued long past June 1862. The Union war effort in the west was plagued with bickering among its
top commanders, writes Engle. Partly to blame was the unwieldy
command structure. Don Carlos Buell's Department of the Ohio and
Henry Halleck's Department of Missouri joined together at the Tennessee
River, precisely where the easiest avenue of attack into the Confederate
Heartland was located. This naturally enough caused great friction
between the two men, both of whom always proceeded cautiously and believed
their own opinions were correct on military matters. McClellan
and Lincoln did not help the situation in Washington, instead simply
ordering the two men to cooperate. While they bickered over who
should move first and along what lines, Grant seized the initiative
and moved, catching both generals by surprise. Buell still
refused to send much help and almost literally warned Halleck not to
fail. Grant's attacks succeeded, and the next logical step was
to concentrate on the Tennessee for a move against Corinth. This
time Buell did finally advance, but he still managed to take his time.
Luckily for Grant, Army of the Ohio division commander "Bull" Nelson
marched forward rapidly and was available late on the first day at Shiloh.
The command friction between these two men only ended when Halleck managed
to persuade Lincoln and Secretary of War Stanton that the West needed
one commander. Halleck also had his problems with Grant. Grant's victories at
Fort Henry and Fort Donelson made Halleck jealous, and he childishly
reacted by removing Grant from command on trumped up charges of drunkenness
and Grant's failure to be present with his army when the Confederates
launched an attack at Fort Donelson. Lincoln and Halleck,
impressed with the aggressive Grant, and especially when they considered
the conservative Halleck and Buell, lost no time in forcing Halleck
to reinstate Grant. After Shiloh, Halleck again removed Grant
from command of the Army of the Tennessee, bumping him up to the meaningless
and superfluous "second in command" position during the advance on Corinth.
Despite these and other quarrels, the Northern armies were able to force
the Confederates from a large portion of the territory they held at
the beginning of 1862. Much of the Southern failure to hold this territory had to do with
Jefferson Davis' utter lack of concern for the West. The roots
of this attitude can be traced to the appointment of Albert Sidney Johnston
to command in the west. Johnston was Davis' friend, and Davis
believed him to be the finest general the Confederacy had. Davis
left Johnston with very little men and materiel to work with, and as
a result he had far too few men with which to defend a much too long
defense line running from the Appalachians to the Indian Territory.
To make matters worse, says Engle, Johnston frequently gave his subordinates
far too much latitude in defending their various districts. This
came back to haunt Johnston when General Polk became obsessed with defending
Columbus, Kentucky, spending very little time preparing Fort Henry and
Fort Donelson. Grant's quick strike caught the Confederate generals
by surprise as well, and Johnston decided not to fight for Fort Donelson,
in effect abandoning middle Tennessee and the capital at Nashville.
This loss of large amounts of territory shocked and angered many Southerners,
and Davis finally consented to send Johnston reinforcements. Johnston
and Beauregard attempted to regain the lost territory with a surprise
attack at Shiloh and failed, costing Johnston his life in the process.
Beauregard was subsequently unable to hold Corinth in the face of a
large Union force, poor water, and increasing sickness in his command. Despite these Union successes, the Northern generals did not typically
take the political concerns of the Lincoln Administration into account
in their military planning. The main case in point for the time
frame of this book, according to Engle, concerns Lincoln's desire to
liberate Unionist leaning, mountainous eastern Tennessee from Confederate
rule. Lincoln knew that this area centered on Knoxville, Tennessee
would more readily come back into the Union than the other flatter,
slave holding sections of the state. Buell repeatedly refused
to advance in this direction (at the same time refusing to cooperate
with Halleck), claiming bad roads and numerous other reasons for delay.
Buell also clashed with the Lincoln appointed military governor of Tennessee,
Andrew Johnson. Johnson was a Radical Republican, and he wanted
Southerners punished for their treason. He and Buell held violently
opposite views on the prosecution of the war, and they would clash for
as long as Buell held command of the Army of the Ohio.
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